By: Afsana Tuly 

Department of Political Science and Geography, University of Texas at San Antonio 

Abstract 

The Rohingya refugee crisis has been termed a textbook example of ethnic cleansing and since 2017 has caused around 880,000 Rohingyas to flee from Myanmar to the neighboring country, Bangladesh. Throughout history, it is evident that refugee crises have pushed the world towards violence, instability, and economic downturn. It also creates an extensive pressure on the host countries and international community to help the displaced and stateless population. Bangladesh is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, however, they agreed to accept the Rohingya refugees fleeing from the military persecution of Myanmar. This paper will employ the constructivist approach to understand how the influx of Rohingya refugees may threaten Bangladesh’s national security and increase Islamic extremism in the southeastern part of Bangladesh. It will be followed by a policy brief and recommendations for the government of Bangladesh to mitigate and control the mismanagement in Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. 

Keywords: Bangladesh, Rohingya refugees, human rights violations, national security, Islamic extremism 

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Introduction 

Who are the Rohingyas and why will the influx of Rohingya refugees affect the economy of Bangladesh? Why should the influx be a course of concern for the bilateral relations between Myanmar and Bangladesh? Can there be a long-term solution for the existing displaced and stateless individuals? It is essential to raise these questions in order to get a profound understanding of what caused the displacement of thousands of Rohingyas and its aftermath on the host country Bangladesh. The Rohingyas are an ethnic group of people with a majority of the Muslim population residing in Rakhine State, Myanmar (Banerjee, 2021). Historically, their roots can be traced back to the British occupation of Myanmar in 1886 when a large number of Rohingyas were brought from southeastern Bangladesh by the British army to work in different sectors of the economy (Anwary, 2018). One of the major clashes between the Burmese Buddhist nationalists and Rohingyas remained religion (Lewis, 2021) and identity (Acharya, 2008). The Rohingyas were perceived as outsiders, and residents, including internationally renowned politician and diplomat Aung Suu Kyi refused to use the term Rohingya while addressing them publicly (Barany, 2019). Essentially, the Rohingyas are racially, culturally and physically more like Indians and Bengalis; they are locally called ‘Bangali’ to show that they are not included in Myanmar’s ethnic Bamar majority (Farzana, 2015). The term ‘Rohingya’ gives a sense of recognition to them since they do not identify as Bengalis and many view the denial of their name as denying them basic human rights. The hatred for Rohingyas and constant human rights abuse and torture have been prevalent since Myanmar’s independence in 1948 (Faye, 2021). Rohingyas were legally omitted from the 1982 Citizenship Act of Myanmar, escalating the ongoing problems between Rohingyas and Myanmar authorities.  

It is gathered from the existing literature that the Rohingyas have been subject to mass killings, rape, injustice and often denied civil and political rights. In an effort to bring changes in the treatment of Rohingyas, a rebellious group called Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) was formed to offer support to Rohingya villagers who were barbarously beaten by the Myanmar army (Ibrahim and Yunus, 2016). In 2017, ARSA coordinated attacks on Myanmar police and army which incited a national riot resulting in destruction of property, violence, rape and killing of thousands of Rohingyas. By the end of 2017, most Rohingyas fled to Cox’s Bazar in its neighboring country, Bangladesh. The present scholarship on Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh focus on how the influx may cause overall economic downturn for the country (Malkki, 1995), human rights violations in camps (Parnini, 2018), current living conditions of refugees (Ty, 2019), types of aid from international organizations (Guhathakurta, 2017) and personal stories (Mohajan, 2018). It is also essential to see the overall impact these influxes of refugees would have on the host country’s internal stability and national security. Drawing from the existing work of scholars, we will look at how the influx of refugees would pose a national security threat to Bangladesh and increase Islamic extremism in the southeastern area of Bangladesh.  

Why would the Rohingya refugees pose a national security threat to Bangladesh?  

Since the Cold War, national security has become a rigorously and frequently studied topic or issue. Ullman (1983) mentioned that the concept broadened from limiting itself to military terms and foreign policy to protect energy security, environment security, economic prosperity, reducing crimes, cyber security, etc. Overall, it it is considered a theme contributing to the defense and security of a nation-state and its citizens. In the case of Bangladesh, the country itself struggles with poverty, corruption, overpopulation and lack of facilities for its citizens (Yasmin and Akhter, 2019). Although a large number of aid has come from local organizations and international institutions, there have been questions regarding how well that money has been utilized in mitigating the persistent problems in Rohingya refugee camps. Bangladesh and the United Nations raised  $624,240,418 out of the $943 million requested in the Joint Response Plan (JRP) to build camps and offer basic necessities for Rohingyas (UNHCR, 2021). However, it is seen that the living conditions and lack of long-run plans are still ongoing. To raise tensions and concerns, there are continuous problems in the refugee camps due to overcrowding, lack of facilities and sense of belonging. The following section will discuss four grounds to show how the national security of Bangladesh might be compromised.  

Increase in Criminal Activities:  

Years of uncertainty and hardships have forced Rohingyas to turn to crime. Rahman (2010) discussed how the selling and buying of illegal arms have become a common source of earnings for many Rohingyas. In 2020, eighty-nine men were killed during gang fights and conflicts within the camps were at its peak. Currently, three different gangs are fighting to gain control over the camps with bribes, threats and violence. Pickering (2008) in the book The Critical Criminology Companion mentions that refugees are always considered as a problem for the arriving states. Unjustified policies and practices, exclusion, lack of effective protection, and lesser opportunities force them to not respect national law. The refugee history of Tanzania and Kenya in the 1990s, for example, can be seen that the governments had to change their policies from open-door refugee policies to not accepting them anymore to safeguard their national interests (Mogire, 2009). The large number of refugees meant there were various issues with money laundering, setting up of illegal businesses and other criminal activities in the areas where they were settled.  

Manhica et. al (2016) explains that young refugees in Scandinavia are highly involved in criminal activities and their low socio-economic position leads them to partake in criminal activities in adult life too. Evidence and repo young children’s involvement in the Rohingya refugee camp fights or assisting gang members are seen as risky behaviors for local residents and those living in camps. Many locals have shown concern and raised objections to these frequent breakouts of clashes and fights as it hinders peace and harmony in that region. The local authorities and police are currently struggling to keep these physical altercations and issues under control while fearing for the safety of locals.  

Human Trafficking and Drug Abuse: 

Human rights activists in the Cox’s Bazar area have monitored and reported regarding the security situation in Rohingya refugee camps and nearby cities (The Daily Star, 2021). A large number of Rohingya refugees are involved in human trafficking, abduction, and drug trafficking. Many women and young girls who are already rape survivors from the atrocities of the Myanmar army have been sold to Thailand and Indonesia as well as forced to prostitution in local areas (Parnini, 2021). There is no proper protection for women and young children who already suffered mental and health issues while fleeing from Myanmar. The tourism in Cox’s Bazar area, particularly where the refugee camps are located, has decreased over the years as tourists fear their safety and keep witnessing these stories of human trafficking and abduction in local newspapers. Another issue that concerns tourists and local residents is the availability of illegal drugs in these areas.  

The excessive production and distribution of a drug called ‘yaba’ are sold in Rohingya refugee camps which are believed to increase inappropriate behavior and violence (Karim, 2021). Research has shown that it is a highly-produced drug in Myanmar and low-wage workers such as the Rohingyas were used to manufacture it. Since then, most Rohingya men in camps lack jobs or earning resources they resorted to producing these drugs in abundance and supplying to different parts of Bangladesh. In 2017, there were reports of 22 drug cases which increased up to 95 in 2018 (Banerjee, 2021). In 2019, the number rose to 152. 

Economic and Social Barriers:

Many scholars argued that host countries can focus on nation-building and utilize the excessive population in the workforce to increase productivity in the labor force and overall economy. Babu (2020) also discussed how aid can be used to create long-term plans for the refugees and eventually involve them in education and training to generate self-sufficiency for the refugees. They also mention that skilled labor can impact the economy positively and add more monetary returns for governments. Although the government of Bangladesh arranged some schools for Rohingya children under 14 years old, the schools lack essential resources and teachers to accommodate students and function properly (The Daily Star, 2021). Men and women who have migrated from Myanmar do not have much training or skills to be utilized in the workforce. Therefore, it is presumed that the surplus of the population is not able to positively contribute to the economy. On the other hand, Cox’s Bazar is a small city without much development, as the areas have been kept to preserve natural beauty and serve as a tourism-oriented place. Mallick (2020) discussed how the area of Cox’s Bazar has been negatively impacted economically and the overpopulation will only worsen the situation.  

The locals of Cox’s Bazar do not relate to the Rohingya refugees as they are largely influenced by the Burmese culture. Ironically, they are considered as outsiders by the locals of Bangladesh—a treatment that they have encountered in Myanmar. Yasmin and Akhter (2019) discusses how Rohingyas outnumbered the locals by a ratio of 1:3 and as a result increased insecurity among people. Due to the influx, prices of essential food have also increased heavily making it unaffordable for the locals. Many locals, through interviews also emphasized that their children might have an influence of Burmese culture and not Bangladeshi culture as the Rohingyas are growing in number and their culture and language is taking over. Simultaneously, they do not want to be welcoming to the refugees fearing that they will eventually take the jobs at lower prices and make locals unemployed. It is seen that the Rohingyas are going to face this exclusionary politics in Bangladesh too as they cannot become permanent citizens of Bangladesh. 

Environmental Impact:

Shaw (1996) argued that environmental scarcity can cause national security threats as it is beheld as an asset for a nation. The environment along with social and economic factors can generate instability and conflict. There has been a large scale of deforestation in the Ukhia and Teknaf areas of Bangladesh. A total forest area of 793 ha out of 1592 ha has been encroached to accommodate the incoming community, build habitation, and meet requirements of fuel needs (Fearon, 2021). Therefore, the hill train no longer holds its natural setting while exposing the land surface to flooding during monsoons. There has been underground water level depletion due to the excessive extraction of tube wells in these areas. A lack of proper recycling system has also caused plastic bottles and polythene bags to pile up, creating a threat to the underwater species.  

Cox’s Bazar is a fishing port and the Rohingyas’ arrival caused excessive fishing. Exporting fish is also a large income contributor to the Gross Domestic Product of Bangladesh. Many locals fear that excessive fishing may imbalance the food web and lead to a loss of other important marine life. Hammer and Ahmed (2020) discussed that 2250 tons of firewood are burned every day for cooking in various camps and due to high demand of it, locals are also cutting trees and selling it to the Rohingyas creating a highly negative impact in these areas. Overall, it is seen that the area of Cox’s Bazar will be at environmental risks in the years to come and may cause the city irrecoverable costs. The following section will look at the identity crisis of Rohingya refugees and how this influx may cause more political tensions in the country.  

The role of identity and rise of Islamic extremism in Southeastern Bangladesh 

Constructivists see identity as a major role in building the status of a group of people in a society. Palmer (2011) discussed that the only common factor between Rohingyas and local Bangladeshis is their identification as Muslims, although they are culturally more predisposed towards the Burmese traditions. Religion is viewed as a point of vulnerability by many terrorist organizations and religious extremists. Al-Qaeda has continuously targeted and recruited people from the Rohingya refugee community to participate in the adoption of Shah’riah Law in Bangladesh (Chowdhury, 2021). Reportedly, most aid towards the Rohingya refugees had come from Muslim-based organizations where some local donors have tried to propose the importance of Madrasa education. They have built more madrasas and mosques for religious participation and suggested the demolition of secularism in Bangladesh. The Rohingyas have been drawn towards these suggestions as fewer local schools are available and they want their children to get religious education.  

Jamat-I-Islam, an active extremist Islamic group have recruited Rohingyas to participate in hate speeches against the Prime Minister of Bangladesh based on gender as well openly advocated the departure of Hindu population in Bangladesh (Asiquzzaman, 2019). Studies by Horgan (2008) and Kavanagh (2011) show that the vulnerable population lacking basic necessities are more prone to join terrorist organizations. It is also possible to influence their minds and make them believe that they should cause violence and injustice as revenge for suffering. This evidence raises concern for Bangladesh as many Hindu populations reside in the country, and there has been strong emphasis on tolerance of other religions and respecting the constitution. However, present data and evidence suggest that the Southeastern part of Bangladesh may transform into an extremist Islamic region. Looking at the internal instability and future risks of Bangladesh, one needs to look at how Myanmar have responded to these collateral damages and whether their bilateral relations have been affected after the Rohingya crisis or not. The next section will address whether Myanmar is willing to accept the Rohingya refugees or not, international response to Myanmar and future prospects of the stateless people.  

An overview of Myanmar’s response and current political relationship with Bangladesh 

Myanmar did not receive much criticism or condemnation from the international community. Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), World Trade Organization (WTO) and other powerful trading organizations and member countries did not speak up against the human rights abuses caused to the Rohingyas (Parnini, 2021). Reportedly, China is investing $7.3 billion deep sea project in Rakhine state, where the Rohingyas resided (Times of India, 2021). Many have argued that the abuse of Rohingyas and forceful migration was created to clear paths for China as the country plans to build a special economic zone and industrial park in that region. Myanmar government was trying to build a more powerful relationship with China by offering them Rakhine state as it would create large economic gains as well as a strong standing in the international platform. China have continuously used its veto power in the UN Security Council to avoid questions on Rohingyas and Myanmar (Asiquzzaman, 2019). Simultaneously, India have overlooked and remained silent regarding the Rohingya crisis as they share a strong economic relationship with Myanmar. Indian companies hold stakes in the Shwe gas field of the Rakhine state, and both India and Myanmar share a connected interest in the northeastern region of Bay of Bengal. There are joint ventures to build a port at Sittewe, road construction etc. to connect it with the northeastern part of India. Therefore, India and China have political and economic agendas forcing them to maintain a strong relationship with Myanmar and ignore the Rohingya refugee crisis ingenuously.  

A Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed between Bangladesh and Myanmar in 2017 to take back the refugees in phases (Babu, 2020). However, Myanmar so far have not shown any actions regarding it, nor did they rebuild Rakhine state to ensure safe returns of the Rohingyas. The bilateral trade between Myanmar and Bangladesh have been negatively impacted. Trade between the two countries was estimated to value approximately $84 million in 2011-2012 but it dropped to $44 million in the 2016-2017 period (Ansar, 2020). Meetings between the Foreign Ministers of the two countries did not garner many positive results. Myanmar’s protection from two economic superpowers have immobilized other countries to order economic sanctions. From ASEAN, Malaysia responded addressing the issues tactfully but others such as Thailand and Indonesia have maintained complete silence. It is essential for Bangladesh and Myanmar to work together to maintain bilateral trade relations as well as physical connectivity. Moreover, Bangladesh as a host country need to implement strong economic policies and planning to deal with the influx of people. The next section will offer an overview on some long-term plans that might be useful for Bangladesh.  

Policy Brief and Recommendations 

It is important for the government of Bangladesh and international organizations to create strong policies and rules to ensure better living conditions for the Rohingyas as evidence suggest that they will remain as stateless people for an uncertain amount of time. Much of the responsibilities lie on the shoulders of the Bangladeshi government to ensure safety of the Rohingyas as well as the local residents of Cox’s Bazar. International organizations with strict rules and cooperation with local authority can manage the influx and overpopulated camps. The following recommendations should be considered by international organizations and the Bangladeshi government to build stability in the ongoing chaotic system and mismanagement in the camps:  

1. Strong rules and support from Bangladesh government and authority: There are no proper authority or organizations monitoring the well-being of the Rohingya refugees located in different camps in the Cox’s Bazar area. The current living conditions in the refugee camps show that the people residing there are somehow surviving and not living. Local authorities and police force do not offer much help to the Rohingyas as they are looked at as outsiders. Bangladeshi government should impose better rules and authority to ensure safety and all complaints against crimes should have instant consequences irrespective of their status as a Rohingya or Bangladeshi citizen. This will help mitigate the ongoing crimes and create a safer environment for the refugees.  

2. Better healthcare and facilities for women and children in Rohingya refugee camps: Approximately 108,037 children were born between 2018 and 2020 in the Rohingya refugee camps (Banerjee, 2021). However, there are no proper medical care or assistance for newborns or childbearing mothers. Most women are also rape survivors and live under the fear of forced sex trafficking, debt bondage and becoming involuntary maids/servers for the locals of Cox’s Bazar. It is important for the Bangladeshi government to ensure that proper medical facilities and social workers are available to guide the vulnerable population.  

3. Transparency and authentic reporting of aid: Bangladesh and the UN raised around $650 million out of the $921 million requested as part of the JRP plan. Recent articles and research have shown that many refugees are struggling to have access to the basic necessities such as food, shelter and water. It is mostly seen that five to six Rohingya family members live in one room. Some of them are getting one meal per day and drinking shallow groundwater contaminated with fecal matter. Local newspapers cannot write transparently regarding the conditions of the Rohingya refugees nor can they raise questions against the authoritarian government of Bangladesh. International organizations who are helping to collect this aid should employ a better system to monitor that the money is utilized properly for ensuring the well being of the refugees and that the financial assistance is not trapped in political corruption of the local government.  

4. A stronger stance from ASEAN and economic sanctions to Myanmar: Most Rohingya refugees are moving to members of ASEAN countries such as Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia for better opportunities. Myanmar has been a part of ASEAN since 1997 but the member countries have failed to respond or address the human rights abuses in Myanmar during ASEAN conferences and conventions. Myanmar and the three mentioned member states share a strong trade interdependence and each of them respects Myanmar’s rights as a sovereign state. However, addressing these issues and imposing specific trade sanctions would allow Myanmar to take up more responsibility and help protect its international image. European Union and its member states should also withdraw from continuing its trading relations and ensure that Myanmar has no duty-free access to the European common market. Economic pressure and sanctions would cause Myanmar to accept the refugees and help them rebuild their lives in their place of familiarity. 

Conclusion 

It is important to recognize that Bangladesh is comparatively a new nation in South Asia who are identified as a developing economy with its own set of problems. Although they still do not advocate an open-door policy for refugees, its geographical proximity with Myanmar causes more influx of refugees every year. Myanmar’s reluctance to accept the Rohingyas put an uncertainty on the staying time of refugees in Bangladesh with no systematic way to support the large number of people. It is imperative for the international community to realize that aid alone may not solve these issues in the long-run and there needs to be more openness from other countries to convince Myanmar or share the responsibility of accepting the Rohingya refugees. Bangladesh with its over-population and no proper infrastructure in the Cox’s Bazar area will have many hardships for years to come. Moreover, the ongoing situation will menace the future possibility of prosperity for Bangladesh as well as the vulnerable refugees who will only be known as stateless people. 

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